Thursday, March 11, 2010

Total Borrowing Still Contracting at a Stable Rate in Q4 2009 ($577 billion annualized)

The Z.1 Federal Reserve Flow of Funds report is out for Q4 2009. Here are some updated graphs:

Total US Government and Private Sector Borrowing Relative to GDP (Quarterly 2003 - 2009/Q4)


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US Borrowing by Sector (Quarterly 2003 - 2009/Q4)


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The trend has been somewhat consistent over the last three quarters, with the size of government borrowing almost offsetting the contraction in private sector borrowing, which has been largest (as a percentage of GDP) in the financial sector. However, it seems the financial sector's rate of negative borrowing is shrinking, a trend which bears watching. Home mortgages, consumer credit, and business debt all show continued contraction, but there is no way to know which way their trends will go from here. A lot may depend on the future path of housing prices, which most likely aren't completely done falling. But it's possible there could be some surprises, for example Felix Salmon observes (and EconomPic charts) that consumers haven't actually been paying down credit card debt since Q1 2009 — they've actually continued to add to debt, whether out of necessity or choice — so the overall contraction since then has been all due to charge-offs.

In rough terms, I think these graphs show:
  1. Fears of "massive" government debt supply driving up interest rates to any dangerous degree are misplaced. Government bonds (plus shorter duration instruments) are replacing disappearing private sector assets. (See further discussion of outlook for treasuries here).
  2. Government deficit spending (a lot of it via the automatic stabilizers) has helped sustain incomes in the face of defaults and attempted private sector deleveraging, thus preventing a worse outcome to date. Of course, there is a lot that can still go wrong.
Some past posts discuss these graphs in more detail:

Wednesday, March 3, 2010

Balance Sheet Wealth in the US and Japan; Historical Data in the Context of Modern Monetary Theory

While gradually learning more about Modern Monetary Theory (aka Chartalism) I've started looking at the balance sheet tables in the official national accounts data of the US and Japan. MMT emphasizes stock-flow consistent modeling of the economy when analyzing the impact of various private sector and government actions. Separately, I've started creating a macroeconomic balance sheet visualization tool to illustrate this approach. But in this post I'll share some charts of the real world "stock" data (i.e., accumulated aggregate wealth). I'll likely share some related "flow" data (i.e., components of Gross Domestic Product as a measure of national income) in a subsequent post.

One of the principles of MMT is that the non-government sector (which includes the domestic private sector as well as the foreign sector) cannot change its own net financial assets. Only the government can, by running a deficit or a surplus. One of the key roles of a government deficit is to allow the private sector as a whole to net save (i.e., spend less than it earns). This results in an accumulation within the non-government sector of "wealth" (also referred to as balance sheet equity or net worth) in the form of government liabilities, which are a mix of treasury bonds (and notes and bills), physical currency (notes and coins), and bank deposits (matched by corresponding bank reserves). These are all just liabilities of the government with different durations and interest rates, and they never have to be paid back (though with a healthy growing economy they often shrink as a percentage of GDP). The emphasis that government liabilities are also assets is one of the most important insights of MMT, in my opinion. The primary limitation to running government deficits is inflation.

These aggregate "stocks" are illustrated in this simplified balance sheet diagram that excludes tangible assets — the government sector (combined treasury and central bank) has (as an indisputable accounting identity) negative financial net worth (i.e., when you exclude tangible assets like buildings and equipment) exactly equal to the positive financial net worth of the private sector. In this case $160 (just toy numbers for illustration) — the blue boxes labeled "equity" and "negative equity". Balance sheet equity or net worth equals assets minus liabilities. Note, this graphic leaves out the foreign sector for simplicity.

However, there are a few areas I still find myself disagreeing with MMT on (subject to change as I learn more!) and one is the treatment of equities/shares (in the stock market sense). In short, when the market bids up stock prices, owners of those stocks feel wealthier, but the corporations to which those shares are a liability do not act correspondingly poorer or reduce their propensity to invest or generate revenue in any way. I could elaborate but will leave it at that for now as that is not the focus of this post.

The charts of wealth below combine:
  • Tangible assets (real estate, equipment, software, etc).
  • Net government liabilities (since these are assets to the private sector and typically never have to be paid back on aggregate).
  • Total valuation of publicly traded stock market (market prices of bonds and other securities may also have impacts on net perceived wealth but I have skipped those for now). [Note: Admittedly if we are only looking at net financial assets (assets minus liabilities) then perhaps we should subtract from this the total "paid in capital" liability entries across all corporate balance sheets, but aside from that data not being available in this source, from a behavioral standpoint I don't think those liabilities impact economic activity in the same way that debt liabilities do, so I'm not convinced they should be subtracted anyway.]
There are two totals in each graph, one including stock market valuation and one without, because as mentioned above the appropriate treatment of this seems debatable to me. You the reader can choose which total you prefer.

I don't know how directly comparable the Japanese and US data are. It is possible that the underlying accounting (for example what is included in tangible assets, how values are determined, etc) could differ substantially. But in a broad trend sense the comparisons are still interesting. One significant difference I know of is that the tangible assets data for the US only includes households, corporate non-financial business, and non-corporate business, whereas the Japanese tangible assets data includes all sectors (government and financial corporate being two large sectors that are not in the US data).

Balance Sheet Wealth in Japan (1980-2007)

(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)
Observations:
  • Japan's stock market peaked (on an annual basis) in 1989 (yellow line). Its real estate bubble peaked in 1990 (red line, to which real estate and land are the largest contributors).
  • Aggregate balance sheet valuation of tangible assets declined from 1990 until 2004. While this is probably due primarily to declining market prices (revaluation and/or depreciation), it's possible that quantity also changed.
  • Government deficits have clearly helped stabilize nominal private sector wealth relative to what would have occurred otherwise (see the dark blue and light blue lines for totals with and without stock prices).
  • Government liabilities are not particularly large as a percentage of total wealth. Of course the annual deficits that created the net liabilities would have contributed significantly to incomes, and that effect is not shown here.

Balance Sheet Wealth in United States (1980-2009/Q3)

(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)
Observations:
  • NOTE: US tangible assets shown here does not include all sectors (see note above).
  • The US had two stock market peaks (note that this is the entire public share market as captured in Flow of Funds data, not a particular index such as S&P500), first in 1999 (on an end of year basis), and second in 2007 (see yellow line).
  • Tangible asset prices (red line, dominated by real estate) peaked in 2006 (on an end of year basis).

Balance Sheet Wealth in Japan (1980-2007) as Percent of GDP

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Observations:
  • Wealth relative to nominal GDP adjusts in rough terms for changes in price level (inflation), demographics, and productivity.
  • Because Japan's GDP has partially stagnated, wealth relative to GDP does not look dramatically different to wealth in nominal terms (prior graph).

Balance Sheet Wealth in United States (1980-2009/Q3) as Percent of GDP

(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)
Observations:
  • NOTE: US tangible assets shown here does not include all sectors (see note above).
  • Wealth relative to GDP has slowed its fall and is in the rough vicinity of the level from before stock market and housing bubbles accelerated in the mid 1990s.
  • I don't know whether wealth-to-GDP is mean-reverting or even meaningful over long periods of time, but if it is, perhaps this reversion is a positive sign of stabilization suggesting nominal wealth need not fall much further. Though given the likelihood of further falls in residential and commercial real estate prices (the opinion of many credible commentators), a not-so-positive alternative is that both nominal wealth and GDP could fall at the same time, still leaving their ratio semi-stable.
  • Interestingly the Japanese and US stock markets both peaked at just over 200% of GDP! (Some have called the Japanese stock bubble larger, but perhaps it just rose more quickly from more undervalued levels). Yet at the end of 2007 (the latest Japanese data), Japan's stock market valuation was at 108% of GDP, and the US at 182% of GDP, and Japan's market has had the bigger fall since 2007. This suggests some potential combination of (please comment if you have insights!):
    • Japanese stocks undervalued.
    • US stocks overvalued.
    • Japanese public companies inherently less profitable.
    • Japan's market pricing in lower growth prospects.
    • Japan's publicly traded companies commanding a smaller share of the economy (relative to private enterprise) than US publicly traded companies.
  • US stocks still look overpriced relative to GDP, though a longer time line is needed to confirm this, and a valid justification for the higher level could be if public companies control a larger share of economic activity than in the past.

Year-on-Year Change in Balance Sheet Wealth in Japan (1980-2007)

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Observations:
  • The year on year change makes it easier to see the magnitude of the changes in the previous graphs.

Year-on-Year Change in Balance Sheet Wealth in United States (1980-2009/Q3)

(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)
Observations:
  • From a wealth perspective alone, increases in US government debt (green line) have been small relative to tangible asset and stock market losses, however from an income perspective (money that actually contributes to GDP), it is very clear that government deficits have prevented (so far) a far worse outcome. (I'll include flow/income charts in a separate post).

Monday, February 22, 2010

Deflation Watch (January 2010): Core CPI Negative while PPI Accelerates

I need to keep this one short, but decided it was worth putting up at least some basic graphs given the interesting juxtaposition of an accelerating rate of PPI increases alongside the first decline in core CPI since 1982.

Some Relevant Current Articles
Consumer Price Index Trends: Great Depression versus Today through January 2010 (US)
(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)

Our avoidance so far of a sustained price deflation remains a big differentiator between then and now, though inflation has slowed more quickly than in Japan's post-1990 experience.

Annualized 3-Month Rate of Change for Components of US Consumer Price Index (April 2006 - January 2010)
(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)

Apologies for the crowded chart, but note in particular the continuous downward trajectory of the magenta line for shelter, which is a subset of the larger housing category. This represents a heavily weighted portion (32%) of the overall index. Most other measures are more volatile (in three month terms) and in positive territory, though recreation prices have been deflating for months. Also food prices (15% of CPI) seem to have recovered and been growing a little more quickly again.

Price Index Changes: Great Depression CPI versus Current PPI through January 2010 (US)
(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)

Look at the PPI measures for crude, intermediate, and finished goods. The accelerating price levels bear an uncanny similarity to the trajectory of the 2007-2008 price spike, which begs the question of whether they might crash in a similar way again as well. The answer likely depends on how much commodity prices are being affected by financial market speculation (controversial!) and how sustainable the resurgence in developing market growth is, especially China (the concerns regarding unsustainable private credit growth in China seem very valid).

16% Trimmed CPI

The 16% trimmed mean CPI (generated from the Cleveland Fed site) removes the most extreme monthly price changes:

(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)


CPI in Japan (Jan 1980 - Jul 2009)

From previous posts, for reference: "The peak of Japan's CPI occurred in October 1998, almost eight years after the stock market peaked, and Japan's notorious mild deflation has been in effect since then. A multi-year disinflation (of core CPI) leading to sustained mild deflation is one possible outcome for the US.
(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)

A Note on Seasonal Adjustments

I had previously been using seasonally adjusted figures for all the measures except headline and core CPI, as I assumed as aggregates that those would be smoothed out pretty well, and didn't know how effective the seasonal adjustment process is. Also the Great Depression data is not seasonally adjusted, nor are many other countries' data (such as within Europe). But there does appear to be an overall drop in prices through every December, and increase through every June, as the graph below shows, so I've switched to seasonally adjusted figures for everything.

Tuesday, February 9, 2010

Macroeconomic Balance Sheet Visualizer — Draft

I've been loosely following discussion of Circuitism and Chartalism (Modern Monetary Theory) since late summer or early fall, though I have not yet had time to work through some of the details to my satisfaction. But it's clear to me that the core accounting principles emphasized by Modern Monetary Theory are accurate, and that the MMT perspective is highly relevant to the global economy right now. At some point I hope to address some of my current issues with it, but they take secondary priority.

On some of the blogs I visit I've seen a lot of time spent discussing the mechanics of various macroeconomic operations (though I haven't had time to read or comment in much depth), and it always strikes me that a lot of time could be saved with better reference material on this stuff, whether wiki-based or otherwise. Discussion threads seem to lead to a lot of repetition of the same topics, ambiguity in descriptions, people talking past each other due to having different understandings of what concepts mean, etc.

It occurred to me to go ahead and try to put together a visual tool myself to help visualize and document some of these macroeconomic concepts. It was also an excuse to play with SVG (browser technology) for the first time.

NOTE: This is a preliminary DRAFT copy of a tool to help visualize the balance sheet effects of these concepts. I am hoping for feedback from folks who are already knowledgeable on these topics and can correct my mistakes. If you are learning this like me, I recommend you skip this until an updated version is ready, otherwise you could be unnecessarily misled or confused. I will post another blog entry when a more polished version is ready — both more accurate, and with added features, usability, more accessible step-by-step walkthrough, etc.

Here's the tool: Macroeconomic Balance Sheet Visualizer (DRAFT)

I welcome anyone (but especially those with a better understanding than me) to offer corrections and constructive feedback in the comments section below or via email (the address is on my profile). Thanks!

P.S., I'll hopefully be adding additional operations (equity/stock offerings, more central bank operations, markets repricing tradeable securities, etc) as well as adding better visualization of flows rather than just stocks (quantities). Plus depicting asset bubbles, the balance sheet outcomes of Japanese vs Great Depression vs "ideal" resolutions, balance sheet breakdowns within each sector, etc.

List of Updates to Balance Sheet Visualizer:

UPDATE1 2/22/2010: Renamed assets held by Treasury from 'Reserves' to 'Treasury Deposits' (abbreviated for now until able to show more detail).

UPDATE2 2/25/2010: New feature: Mouse over a balance sheet name to compare the balance sheet side by side with a copy from before the last operation.

Monday, February 1, 2010

Consumer Price Level Trends Still Vary Widely Across Debt Bubble Countries

Here is a quick update to the graphs from a prior post on international consumer price levels titled "Global Price Level Trends Show Varied Inflation/Deflation Across Housing Bubble Countries":
(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)

Given how much it has been in the news lately, I have added Greece to the price level graph. However, I excluded Greece from the three month trend graphs below because it is so seasonally volatile (and the European Harmonized Indexes of Consumer Prices don't seem to offer seasonally adjusted series). Nevertheless, as you can see in the absolute price level graph above, overall prices are roughly 3% higher than in July 2008 when global commodity prices peaked. This is near the high end of the countries I've included (excluding Iceland which is a dramatic outlier). A quick look at one summary of Greece's CPI suggests fuel prices for transportation and heating have been a big part of the increase in 2009, but it appears that other prices have been rising too.

Here is the three month trailing rate of change of consumer prices:

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And here is the exact same chart zoomed out to show all the Iceland data:

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Japan and Ireland are the only countries showing significant deflation at present.

I think my concluding thoughts from the last post are still relevant:
This was a very rough high-level look at relative price level trends and short term inflation rates over a sampling of housing bubble countries and other countries of interest (Japan, Iceland). More insights would be likely with additional analysis such as adjusting for exchange rate trends, comparing rates of government deficit spending, comparing changes in private debt levels, etc.

The price level trends across countries show some correlation at times (e.g., late 2008), suggesting global macroeconomic factors matter to some degree, but also diverge significantly at other times (e.g., the current -4% to 8% range of 3-month annualized inflation across countries), suggesting domestic country-specific dynamics are the dominant factors in price level trends, even at times of global recession/crisis.

There are at least three key domestic dynamics that could be most heavily influencing price levels. One is the degree of government stimulus relative to the contraction in private spending. A second is whether private debt bubbles have actually popped or are still growing. A third would be the relative size of these debt bubbles (total debt-to-GDP) and their recent rate of growth (since added debt contributes to annual aggregate demand).

I have not included enough data in this post to evaluate these factors for each country. But at the risk of being wrong, my current assumption is that size of government response is the number one differentiating factor, and some countries are maintaining a stronger private-sector bubble mentality than others (e.g., with respect to Australia's housing prices). If government stimulus proves politically unsustainable, or private sector debt bubbles collapse and prove to be overpowering, it could be that countries like Australia will simply lag countries like Ireland with respect to consumer price deflation. Ireland may be the country to watch — I've seen suggested that it may have begun a full scale debt deflation.
Endnotes

Note that different countries construct their CPI measures differently, so some trend differences likely reflect what each country considers a representative "basket" of goods and services, though the European data is all drawn from Harmonized Indexes of Consumer Prices. Also the US, UK, Ireland, Spain, Iceland, and Euro 27 price levels are not seasonally adjusted. I think Japan's and Australia's are seasonally adjusted, but am not certain.

Looking at absolute price level charts rather than just rate of change (typically year-over-year) seems especially valuable when price levels are not moving in a single direction (until the recent deflationary trends, the direction of CPI indexes was primarily up).

Thursday, January 28, 2010

The Case for Treasuries, Revisited

In April of 2009 I wrote a post called The Tentatively Bullish Case for Treasuries in which I listed the typical arguments against treasuries and presented my reasoning as to why each argument would likely prove wrong. My tentative conclusion was that the odds favor treasury yields moving lower in the medium term (i.e., on a timescale of several years or more... I had and have no idea about short term month-to-month movements.) The prior post is a bit long but the content is theoretical rather than tied to specific events in 2009 so it should still be a relevant read today.

The conclusions I made then (and have been arguing for several years) have not changed, and probably won't unless the private sector halts attempted deleveraging and starts adding debt in a sustained way. Such renewed debt growth is possible (Australia seems to have achieved it, though how sustained it will be is unclear) but there is no evidence of it yet for the US, and the odds are strongly against it given the fundamental forces in play. (Note, the theme of deleveraging has become a more mainstream view, as for example exemplified by this McKinsey report on the global debt bubble and its consequences.) Anyway, as of December, US consumer credit (which doesn't include mortgage debt) is contracting at a record rate:


Consumer credit is a key gauge, but total private sector debt is still being reduced too, as shown in the graphs in my summary of the last Fed Flow of Funds report in December.

In this post I'll attempt a condensed summary and update of the prior post on treasuries plus add in some relevant third party perspectives.

The Historical Record

Government bond yields declined during both the Great Depression in the US and in Japan since its bubbles burst around 1990. These represent two different resolutions to debt bubbles — debt deflation amid severe depression, or large ongoing government stimulus and slow semi-stagnant growth as private sector debt is serviced and reduced. We are currently tracking closer to the latter scenario, but the former is still a real risk. Both scenarios were friendly to government debt prices in the past. More details and charts are in the old post.

Inflation?

The Federal Reserve cannot create inflation in consumer prices or wages (see here for one of many explanations of why... or read my prior post). The Treasury can create inflation with sufficient deficit spending, but future attempts at fiscal stimulus large enough to do so are at significant risk of political gridlock.

And the actual outcome so far? Look at the price level trend as of December 2009 in the chart below (from this deflation watch post). The increases (since the plunge at the end of 2008) shown by the red line are losing momentum and flattening out earlier than occurred in Japan. If the current sell-off in commodities and risk assets intensifies (prices have been looking bubbly!), the already stalling CPI changes could be shocked back into negative month on month territory for long enough to feed a self-reinforcing deflationary psychology in consumers.

(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)


Potential for Default

My April 2009 post argued that sovereign debt default was not a risk given the historical precedents. Since then I have had this view reinforced by the discovery of Modern Monetary Theory (Neo-Chartalism). More on that another time as I have been meaning to write about it for months, but one point it explains is why a sovereign nation that spends and issues debt in its own freely floating currency never has to default on domestic currency debt (though in very rare cases it may choose to for political reasons).

Too Much Treasury Supply?

In the prior post I addressed the then near-universal concern in the econoblogosphere that the huge pending supply of treasury debt would overwhelm demand. I prefixed my reasoning as to why the government spending (via its associated increased supply of government debt) would create its own demand for government debt by saying "my perspective on [this] I have not seen detailed anywhere else, which suggests it is novel, wrong, or simply something that no source I read has bothered to explain in detail because they thought it obvious."

It turns out that through simple step-by-step reasoning via examining macroeconomic balance sheet impacts I had discovered by accident some of the core principles of Modern Monetary Theory (Neo-Chartalism). I have been trying to learn more of the strengths and weaknesses of Chartalism since early fall but have not addressed all my questions sufficiently yet to do a post on it (I do think the strengths outnumber the weaknesses). But one proponent, Warren Mosler, puts it succinctly in red text right on his site margin: "The funds to pay taxes and buy government securities come from government spending.". I'm putting something together to help give a more detailed overview of the accounting perspective, but the bottom line is that it is the government's spending that creates the private sector's wealth that can be used to [among other things] buy government debt. When the private sector is not issuing net new debt at the same time as government is, there is no competing supply of debt, so bond prices will not be driven down by excess supply.

Will China Stop Buying?

I continue to think this concern is mostly irrelevant but don't want to go into a lot of detail. However I will give one analogy.

I recently saw a posted graphic showing recent net migration between US states over recent years (now I can't find it). Imagine someone looking at how much Californians have spent buying US Treasuries in the last year, then seeing that migration trend (I think California was net negative) and declaring "uh oh, if Californians stop buying our treasury debt, who will?!?" The obvious answer is that now there will be more Oregonians, Arizonians, etc to buy the debt.

While it's not a perfect analogy, the China scenario is similar in that the US consumer decision to buy Chinese goods is what provides the buying power to China that allows them to buy dollar-denominated investments with the proceeds. If consumers save instead of spend, or buy US goods and services instead of Chinese ones, that flow of money and potential savings simply is in the hands of US investors instead. To suggest this would generate no increase in domestic treasury demand implies thinking only central banks are "irrational" enough to buy sovereign debt and that there are not enough relative-value arbitrageurs to move prices meaningfully in response. That may hold true for short periods of time, but indefinitely? I'm not convinced.

Quantitative Easing

Quantitative easing has likely supported government debt prices to some degree, and it is winding down (for now). I argued before that QE would be an extra demand support for treasuries, but I don't think prices must reverse when the buying stops. The direct treasury purchases by the Federal Reserve have already ended, and treasuries are doing just fine since then. I also suggested that the impact of reduced supply (as the Fed takes assets off the market) would also be supportive of prices. Chartalists also make the very insightful point that QE is actually net deflationary as it reduces non-government sector income by replacing higher yielding bonds in the hands of private investors with low-yielding "money" (currency and deposits backed by bank reserves).

Sentiment

Sentiment has been wildly bearish on treasuries throughout 2009 and they remain one of the most despised asset classes. I've seen reports that short interest on government debt is among the largest of any asset class (perhaps mostly due to inflation fears). I still suspect that this doesn't leave much room for more bearishness, and leaves sentiment-driven changes much more likely to drive prices up rather than down.

Reasons This Tentative Bullishness Could Prove Wrong

To address the reasons I listed under this heading in the old post:
  • "Though right now it seems politically unlikely, the government could end up trying to swap more private debt for public debt than can ever hope to be serviced by taxpayers.". This seems more and more unlikely to me, especially since I dug into the Japanese debt data and discovered that public debt issuance has exceeded private debt reduction over the last two decades and still yields plunged. Also the Chartalist perspective points out that paying taxes isn't exactly the same as servicing debt (again, more on this later), as sovereign governments are not revenue constrained.
  • "...potential for significant political instability as a result of the crisis could lead to very unpredictable consequences..." Still a risk, but probably not in the near term.
  • "A huge supply shock (energy, other natural resources, labor, etc) could potentially ignite meaningful inflation..." Still a risk, but the odds seem no higher than before.
  • "...underfunded obligations like social security..." Still unclear on how much and how soon this could impact on treasuries, but likely not an issue in the medium term.
  • "Perhaps my logic in this post is just plain wrong." On the contrary, my discovery of the Chartalist school suggests to me that the balance sheet based reasoning was accurate. Of course readers may still disagree and tell me where I'm wrong!
Other Relevant Reading

The Fed cannot inflate. Buy Bonds (Winterspeak)
"But the Fed cannot "drop money from helicopters". Only the Treasury can. Helicopter drops of money are fiscal policy, not monetary policy, as they create net new financial assets for the non-Govt sector. The Fed cannot inflate." ... "Even at 3% (or whatever) I recommend you buy Treasuries."
Deficit Spending for Dummies

Warren Mosler walks through the Modern Monetary Theory explanation of how government sector debt issuance and spending boost private sector savings from an accounting perspective. This parallels the balance sheet reasoning in my old post.

2010 Investment Strategies: Six Areas To Buy, 11 Areas To Sell

Gary Shilling is one of the minority who have remained publicly bullish on treasuries, and he gives his reasons.

The Asset Dearth and the Japanese example and Disappearing Assets, Continued
"Why are asset prices so high? One reason is that there aren’t enough of them... The net creation of private assets has actually fallen... The only sector of the US economy presently dis-saving is the US government... the banks use the cheap credit to buy government debt, because no other kinds of debt are available."
David Goldman makes the point I have made repeatedly while looking at the Z1 Flow of Funds releases starting last August in a post titled Why Treasuries Find Buyers and Interest Rates Will Not Rise (Much). For example I said: "people will buy (and have been buying) treasury debt because there are on aggregate less other fixed-income asset choices available on the market, and the new treasury issuance fills the 'hole' left by the shrinking supply of private debt as it is paid down or defaulted on."

Dave’s Top 10 Reasons to Expect the Yield Curve to Flatten

Another post (from December) by David Goldman listing reasons to be bullish on treasuries.

Finally, Paul Krugman points out back in November that "the same people now warning about the alleged Treasury bubble dismissed warnings about the housing bubble."

Conclusion

I still do not understand why even most commentators who expect ongoing private sector debt reduction (as opposed to those in the full V-shaped recovery, new bull market camp) have been so bearish on treasuries. I think it is based on false (or out of context) textbook economic arguments about government deficits creating inflation, etc. The logic as to why government debt performed well during past deleveraging cycles seems clearer than ever to me now that I have learned some of the Chartalist/MMT perspective (again, more on that later).

So the real unknown is simply whether we can escape that outcome in any sustainable way. In the early 2000s it involved a new and even larger debt bubble in housing. Maybe this time we will have the miracle of rapidly growing exports and the rest of the world quickly achieving sustainable domestic demand (both of which were positive factors for Japan) and also escape private sector deleveraging (which Japan did not). If and when evidence of that appears I'll be likely to change my case regarding treasuries.

UPDATE: Edited one phrase for clarity.

Wednesday, January 20, 2010

Deflation Watch (December 2009): Price Level Trends Relative to Past Debt Crises

This is another update (with November and December's data added) to the series of posts on US price level trends that started with Price Deflation Today versus the Great Depression and Post-1990 Japan — Comparative Charts (which had data through July 2009). The original post contains the most in depth discussion of the comparisons between the three episodes, so please look at that if you have not already.

This one will be briefer than sometimes as I want to focus on some new topics (on which I will post in the future).

In summary, headline consumer price level increases seem to be slowing markedly following their sharp early 2009 rebound from the late 2008 plunge levels. Clearly we have not followed the path of Great Depression deflation, but the US price level trend appears to be flattening out much sooner than occurred in Japan, as the graphs below show. While mild deflation may be more probable, we could still be at some risk of a sharp price deflation, in part because commodity prices in particular seem (to this observer among others) to have risen too far too fast. A lot may hinge on the combined questions of (1) how much investor speculation in commodities (which is subject to quicker reversal than end-user demand is) has impacted their prices, and (2) how much and how abruptly China's growth slows. Though of course other factors such as the direction of broader asset prices (stocks, housing) and government policy are also very relevant to the CPI outlook.

These are my definition related comments from a previous post:
As noted previously, "deflation" is often discussed in broader terms than simply price level:
  • Contraction of money and credit (broad money supply)
  • Deflation in asset prices
  • Deflation in a representative "basket" of consumer and producer prices
  • Deflation in wages
The various measures are often somewhat correlated but they only track to each other loosely. In the Great Depression prices fell faster than wages, yet wages (along with asset prices) still fell enough to propagate the adverse feedback loop of debt deflation in which income falls but debt obligations remain at the same nominal level, increasing the burden of the debt. Deflation in asset prices (triggered by the bursting of debt-financed asset bubbles) generally precedes the other deflationary trends.
Some Relevant Current Articles
Price Level Charts for October

CPI-U 12 Month Changes (source: BLS)

(click on chart for a larger version in a new window)

I think the year-on-year graph is deceptive when prices are as volatile as they have been. Compare it to the price level trend graphs below.

BLS Summary Comments:
"On a seasonally adjusted basis, the December Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U) rose 0.1 percent, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported today. Over the last 12 months, the index increased 2.7 percent before seasonal adjustment.

The seasonally adjusted increase in the all items index was broad based, with the indexes for food, energy, and all items less food and energy all posting modest increases. Within the latter group, a sharp rise in the index for used cars and trucks was the largest contributor to the 0.1 percent increase, while the indexes for airline fares, apparel, and lodging away from home rose as well. In contrast, the indexes for rent and owners' equivalent rent were unchanged and the index for new vehicles declined.

Grocery store food indexes showed broad-based increases, leading to the food index rising 0.2 percent, its largest one-month advance in over a year. The energy index also rose 0.2 percent; this was its smallest increase in five months. The indexes for fuel oil and gasoline rose, but the electricity index was unchanged and the natural gas index declined."

16% Trimmed CPI

This chart of 16% trimmed mean CPI (generated from the Cleveland Fed site) removes the most extreme monthly price changes:

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Consumer Price Index Trends: Great Depression versus Today through December 2009 (US)
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Components of US Consumer Price Index (May 1927 - Dec 1937, Great Depression)
(Note: This chart is unchanged from past posts)
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Components of US Consumer Price Index (January 2006 - December 2009)
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Annualized 3-Month Rate of Change for Components of US Consumer Price Index (April 2006 - December 2009)
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The above chart shows the rate of change (over a sliding three month period) of the components whose absolute price levels are shown in the previous chart. I also added the magenta line for shelter (even though it is contained within the yellow housing measure) to better show the effect of declining rents and owners' equivalent rents separated from other housing components such as energy.

Price Index Changes: Great Depression CPI versus Current PPI through December 2009 (US)
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Consumer Price Index Trends: 1990s Japan versus US Today (through December 2009) and US Great Depression
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Note that the year on year graph higher up is deceptive, as inflation seems to be slowing much faster than occurred in Japan post-1990.

CPI in Japan (Jan 1980 - Jul 2009)

From previous posts: "The peak of Japan's CPI occurred in October 1998, almost eight years after the stock market peaked, and Japan's notorious mild deflation has been in effect since then. A multi-year disinflation (of core CPI) leading to sustained mild deflation is one possible outcome for the US.
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Factors Contributing to Deflation

I had included a series of graphs of factors that contribute to price deflation such as capacity, wages, etc. I may re-include these in the future, time permitting and if they are of interest.